ENGAGING THE SYSTEM

What's In It For You?

2011-11-23T16:05:00.001+01:00

For as long as I can recollect, perhaps motivated by a false sense of reality, I chose to devote my energy in engaging my world via social media platforms by short status updates and repeated commentary and counter commentary, going back and forth and round about in a bid to pass across my convictions about issues in governance and society at large rather than writing theses like this which, by that false presumption, to my mind, was not as effective as the regular status updates because as I presumed, 'people don't read'. I was wrong. Whether short or long, I have now come to the awareness that a well written piece properly stuffed with strong meat will be chewed in the same breath and strength as a short and witty update. The only difference being that in most cases, in constructing short and witty updates, the literary elements in the Author will demand his use of esoteric allusions devoid of the sophistry of grandstanding verbiage as he would have been at liberty to employ where he writing a thesis as I currently am. Unfortunately, in such a situation, the depth of meaning and the massage may be lost, misunderstood or out rightly not understood by those for whom it was meant resulting in limited impact than was intended by him, the Author and his piece, the thesis.

Then again, writing theses and exploring; exploiting the power of words, their sweetness in rhythm, superfluous rhetorics and choice cliches excites the soul, inspires the human mind and re-fires flickering flames but sadly, also wears in weariness the learning lad; the one for whom the education is intended. Which was why ab initio, I elected to retire from elevated verbosity in adoption of elementary sagacity and puerile relativity in my communication on new media platforms and this is the problem with theses when fully baked; they will be chewed and enjoyed like cola nuts by the mature alone.

So what becomes of the fledging; the suckling and be-suckled? No, that is no longer my due to deal? What becomes of me in my inability to strike that vital chord that unleashes vistas of uncharted yet famed frontiers? Yes, what becomes of me? Shall or should I remain banned to babbal banality for want of understanding? I forbid so. Even God so forbids. Therefore, he that would learn must rise to the demands of education which calls to a finer state of being far beyond gravity's pull to hold. Such a person must seek for much more than the available and convenient; for so have all mature minds done and continue to do as they uncover new worlds.

This is why like a retired carpenter, I have gone back to my abandoned toolbox; to the chisel, to chop off fading facades and with the hammer to drive deeper into depths within and hit at the core of the koko vitality. I have in addition decided, that if I shall bend, it must be to inspire and uplift and not to remain fixed and bent; for as I said before, he that must learn must himself strive and rise than make as himself that which is finer.

HOW TO GET INVOLVED IN POLITICS

2010-06-17T08:48:00.000+01:00

Why get involved in politics, some may ask?

Politics is a dirty game no doubt, but that is only because most people with genuine altruistic intentions are often too afraid to get involved lest they themselves be hurt, tarnished, or worse.

Politics of violence, non-tolerance, character assassination, money-mongering is now the order of the day. Nigeria is in such abject shambles today mainly because unprincipled actors are playing the stage. Absolute mediocres are having a field day playing kings and queens! Votes-for-cash has somehow been accepted as a norm.

To advocate any crusade against corruption is to invoke the wrath of the powers that be. We remain a nation devoid of conscience or any sense of duty. One can continue to lament over all these mishaps, or one can do something about it. And that is why me, you, and indeed every one of us should be actively involved in the political process.

1.	Join a group working on issues that are important to you. There are thousands of groups working on issues important to Nigerians. Some examples include these:
	Environmental groups working for clean air and water, wise use of our land and other natural resources, and preservation of wilderness areas. Religious groups advocating for inclusion of their values in public policy. Cultural and ethnic groups working on behalf of the needs of their communities. Social justice groups working to protect the rights of women, people living in poverty, children (born and unborn), and people with disabilities. Labour unions working on political issues and campaigns, especially those related to jobs, wages, and working conditions. Self-advocacy groups and disability advocacy groups working to empower persons with disabilities and bring disability issues to the attention of leaders and the public. Neighbourhood or community improvement groups working on issues important to the residents of a neighbourhood, town or city.
2.	Volunteer to help with a voter registration drive. Many of the groups listed above are also involved in helping as many people as possible get registered to vote and get to voting places. They often need volunteers to work at information tables at community events or go door-to-door helping people get registered to vote.
3.	Volunteer to work on a political candidate’s campaign. All people trying to be elected to public office need volunteers to work on their campaigns. People who are trying to get elected to school boards, city councils, state legislatures, the National Assembly, and those running for President all need people willing to help mail campaign materials to people, distribute campaign signs and fliers to homes, and call people to ask them to vote for the candidate.
4.	Let leaders know your views. When local, state or national leaders are making decisions about issues important to you, let them know how you want them to vote on the issue by writing, phoning, texting or e-mailing them. You can also share your views at public meetings such as city council meetings and government hearings about issues and laws.
5.	Invite leaders to talk about disability issues. Self-advocacy groups can sponsor public meetings in which people who are running for political office and people who are already in leadership in government are invited to talk about the issues important to people with disabilities.
6.	Participate in protest marches and rallies. This is very important. When large numbers of people feel strongly about an issue they may gather together to hold a march or rally to make their views known. This happens most often when people want to protest an action taken by the government at the local, state or national level as was done by the Save Nigeria Group. There are also rallies to support candidates for public office.
7.	Stay informed about issues affecting you and encourage others to stay informed. Staying informed includes attending the debates and speeches by candidates running for public office, listening to or watching news broadcasts, reading newspapers and organization newsletters, attending community meetings about issues, and talking with others.
8.	If you’re eligible to vote, vote! When there are elections, learn about candidates and issues, think about your values and needs, make sure you’re registered to vote and know where to vote, and vote for the candidates who best represent your views. credits: Transparency for Nigeria, Hon. Nimi Walson-Jack and the College of Education and Human Development, University of Minnesota.View more of Oraye's Notes on Facebook

THE 2009 ORAYE ST. FRANKLYN ALPHABETIC LIST OF WO/MEN OF NIGER DELTA ORIGIN MAKING A DIFFERENCE IN THE REGION, NATIONALLY & GLOBALLY

2010-01-02T08:41:00.001+01:00

Please note that the import of The Oraye St. Franklyn Alphabetic List is to recognise wo/men making a difference in the region as the basis for the inspiration of the coming generation of leaders in the Region. It does not seek to promote these individuals further from the reasons herein contained. IT IS NOT A POLITICAL LIST but a social re-engineering initiative of its author, Oraye St. Franklyn.

A. ANNKIO BRIGGS, (President, AGAPE BIRTHRIGHT) for her consistent engagement of the Nigerian government on resolving the Niger Delta crisis.

B. Coming soon.

C. CHRIS OYAHKILOME, (President, Believers’ Loveworld Inc) for his effective ministry and global influence. He is regarded as the Region’s most influential global export.

D. DIETE-SPIFF, ALFRED, (former governor of old Rivers State) for entrenching an all-time crest for good governance in the region and influencing the sustenance of peace in the region.

E. EMMANUEL UDUAGHAN, (current Governor of Delta State) for establishing DESOPADEC a special interventionist agency to directly cater for the infrastructural and economic challenges of oil producing communities in Delta State.

F. FREEDOM FIGHTERS IN THE REGION (from all camps and organisations) for helping to bring government’s attention to the deplorable state of living in the region and for accepting amnesty to allow for a resolution of the hydra-headed crises in the region.

G. GODSWILL AKPABIO, (current Governor of Akwa Ibom) for noiselessly delivering quantifiable benefits of good governance to the people of Akwa Ibom State and for his role in resolving the child-witch brouhaha that had for years wasted the lives of innocent children in Akwa Ibom State.

H. Coming soon

I. IKPOBARI CELESTINE (of Social Action, an NGO) for his untiring efforts at mobilising Niger Deltans to strengthen good governance and amplify the voices of the voiceless. He is particularly recognised for his role in engaging residents of Bundu Ama to publicly decry the slaughtering of their kinmen by forces loyal to the federal government on the 12^th of October, 2009.

J. Coming soon

K. Coming soon

L. LULU-BRIGGS, O. B., for his inspiring philanthropy especially in support of better opportunities for the educationally, financially and physically-challenged in Society.

M. MINA OGBANGA, for her inspiration and mentorship for young people in the region. She is particularly mentioned for the numerous testimonies of her positive impact by many young people.

N. NIMI WALSON-JACK, (former General Secretary of the Nigerian Bar Association) for his consistent advocacy and quantifiable contributions in entrenching good governance in Nigeria. He is also recognised for his positive influence on the young in the region.

O. ORONTO DOUGLAS, for being the most-influential Niger delta political voice of reason on the internet. He is particularly recognised for rallying and engaging Nigerians both at home and Diaspora in resolving our many crises EVEN AT A TIME OF CRAVE HEALTH CHALLENGE and for his uncanny approach in handling critical issues.

P. PRINCEWILL TONYE, for walking out on the Presidency as the Chair of the Niger Delta Sub Committee on VISION 20 20 20 20 20 20 in protest of government’s weak commitment in resolving the crises in the region.

Q. QRIOUS (a youth-run initiative) for engaging young people across fronts in utilising their innate credentials for sustainable livelihood.

R. ROTIMI AMAECHI, (current Governor of Rivers State) for inspiring boldness in our people across the region in defying the goons and seeking justice against unpardonable breaches regardless of how long it takes and for drawing an undeniable difference between effective governance and make-belief as is popular in Nigeria.

S. SEIFA TOBI, for writing one of Nigeria’s most priced intellectual Political Manual: VISION 2015; A 10 YEAR DEVELOPMENT PLAN FOR DELTA STATE, and inspiring hope in Deltans.

T. TAMMY DAPPA MAPLE, for his consistent proactive engagement of Nigerians on and off the internet. He is recognised as the most-inspiring youth voice on facebook.

U. UTOMI, PAT, for his consistently untiring engagement of Nigerians across all fronts in reforming Nigeria. He is particularly recognised as the Region’s brightest and most intellectually inspiring and accomplished minds.

V. VERA LOTT IFIE, for employing video documentary to highlight the shameless conspiracy by government and the multinationals (especially SHELL PET. DEV. CO.) in flaring our precious gases and polluting our only environment. POISON FIRE is a MUST WATCH. www.poisonfire.org

W. Coming soon

X. coming soon

Y. coming soon

Z. ZOÉ, my daughter for inspiring me her father.

I ENCOURAGE YOUNG PEOPLE TO EMULATE THE PARTICULAR ACTIONS MENTIONED OF THE INDIVIDUALS, NOT THE ENTIRE LIFESTYLE AS OTHER RECORDS OF SOME INDIVIDUALS MAY CAST SOME DARK SHADOWS ON THEIR CREDIBILITY.

Niger Delta: Nigerian fights to prevent oil "tragedy" in Ghana, Uganda, Sierra Leone

2009-10-20T06:50:00.000+01:00

One hundred days after a damning report on the Niger Delta, Amnesty International has released a review of the impact of their findings. Although the situation is showing some flimsy signs of improvement, Amnesty believes that we are far from a tangible solution. Oil companies, particularly Shell, are thought to be responsible for serious violations of human rights, alongside a brutal and corrupt partner, Nigeria.

"As I got out of the plane, I inhaled a breath of fresh air for the first time in my life....". Journalists and humanitarian officers at the Amnesty International offices in Paris, who have made it their habit to complain about air pollution in the French capital, could not help but laugh at Celestine AkpoBari Nkabari’s statement. The Nigerian activist, last Friday, recounted the extent of pollution in the Niger Delta to a stunned audience.

The burning of gas flares and the uncountable oil spills in the region have accelerated an already intensely degraded environment, in a region where more than 60% of the population earn a living from their natural surroundings. The air is stifling. The situation is even the more tragic knowing that dwellers hardly ever benefit from the immense wealth generated at their expense. According to a report by the Economic and Financial Crimes commission (EFCC), quoted by Celestine AkpoBari, 26 years of national income has been "stolen from the population and siphoned into accounts abroad".

In June this year, Amnesty released a damning report accusing both local and international partners of their role in the southern Nigeria "tragedy", as a result of intensive exploitation of oil deposits in the delta. One hundred days after the report, reactions are still mediocre. Francis Perrin, a spokesman for Amnesty, however, sees a light at the end of the tunnel.

Black gold and political power

The debate has been intense in Nigeria, both in the media and within the political circles. Many of those elected into political offices had their campaigns funded by oil companies. Despite this fact, some political figures have dared to act differently. The National Commission on Human Rights in Nigeria intends to take a legal action against Western companies. The Interior ministry on the other hand sees any such action as an affront to their economic interests.

An important law entitled "Petroleum Industry Bill” is currently being debated in Parliament. This legislative initiative could, in theory, be an opportunity to end the countless abuses denounced by NGOs. But "despite our lobbying, and that of other organizations, this is not the case," Francis Perrin regrets.

It is a difficult task to defend the rights of his Ogoni ethnic group. Celestine AkpoBari explains: "When an action is taken, even peaceful ones, oil companies pick up their phones and the army intervenes!” Celestine AkpoBari often refers to Ken Saro-Wiwa as his mentor. Ken Saro-Wiwa was hanged in 1995 alongside eight others after a fast-track trial "because his commitment bothered the political power”. Celestine says he has often been hindered in his efforts by the military.

Oil exploitation begins with the signing of joint ventures; merging one or more Western companies with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC). But although the state holds majority share, the balance of power is out of the government’s hands and in that of the established western companies, thus lying with other governments. According to Celestine AkpoBari, "Nigerian leaders are invited to expensive dinners in London and made to sign contracts which they do not understand".

Shell stands accused

Amnesty has also made contacts with exploitative oil companies; foremost among them is the Anglo-Dutch firm Royal Dutch Shell. Symbolic actions are being undertaken to exert ample pressure, but for now they have had little success. According to Amnesty, Shell believes that 85% of the pollution is as a result of sabotage, which is "absolutely false, as we have demonstrated." They have urged us to think about the future instead of brooding over an omnipresent past. But for the time being the so-called clean up is almost non-existent. Celestine AkpoBari laments: "Water, land and air are polluted, we are only left with poverty, hunger and disease!”

Governments of states where the headquarters of these companies are based have also been approached, but the magnitude of taxes dished out makes Western politicians tread with caution on the subject matter. Despite the economic pressure, the Dutch government, recently, decided to launch a survey on the impact of its five largest companies in terms of human rights, reported a representative of Amnesty, though the main Dutch company concerned is none other than Royal Dutch Shell itself ...

In spring 2009, a New York trial was halted in its tracks by a settlement. Shell had pledged to payout 15.5 million dollars. The company had been accused of complicity with the Nigerian government in the hanging of Ken Saro-Wiwa. According to Celestine AkpoBari, this is another proof of their guilt.

In Francis Perrin’s opinion, it is crucial that the Nigerian case is resolved sooner than later as numerous oil deposits await to be exploited in the region in the near future: 2010 in Ghana, Uganda in 2011 ... The Democratic Republic of Congo will most probably soon be concerned. Mid-September this year, oil was discovered offshore Sierra Leone. "It is vital to react so as not to export the Niger Delta tragedy," he concludes.

THREE KILLED AS NIGERIAN SECURITY FORCES FIRE AT DEMONSTRATORS

2009-10-17T18:41:00.000+01:00

14 October 2009

Amnesty International has condemned the excessive use of force by some of the members of the Nigerian security forces after three people were shot dead during a protest against demolition of homes in Rivers State on Monday.

Troops from the government's Joint Task Force (JTF) and police used firearms to disperse a crowd demonstrating against a planned demolition in the Bundu waterfront community, Port Harcourt, leaving 11 seriously injured.

"The intentional use of lethal force is only permitted where strictly unavoidable in order to protect life," said Amnesty International's Africa director, Erwin Van der Borght .

"The government must promptly investigate any deaths or injuries resulting from the use of firearms by police and JTF. Those suspected of excessive use of force should be prosecuted in fair trials, in accordance with international standards without recourse to the death penalty."

Violence flared after government authorities, accompanied by around 40 heavily armed soldiers and police officers, arrived in Bundu to assess buildings earmarked for demolition.

Locals, including women and children, confronted the soldiers and police. They demonstrated against the intended demolitions and blocked their entry into the community.

According to eyewitness accounts, two armoured vehicles drove into the crowd and soldiers and police officers then began firing.

Although most fired into the air, several security officers are reported to have fired directly into the surrounding crowd. Stray bullets are reported to have hit houses, shops and cars.

One eyewitness told Amnesty International that his sister was shot in the leg by a bullet fired into her house.

Some of the people who were shot reportedly fled into the water and escaped into the mangroves.

Eleven people were treated in hospital for gunshot wounds. Amnesty International also received reports that soldiers beat several people.

Twenty-three men were arrested and subsequently charged with conspiracy, breaching the peace of the community and destruction of public property. They were then taken to Port Harcourt prison.

According to Rivers State authorities, the security forces were fired on when they entered the community by people who “benefitted from the reign of lawlessness in Bundu waterfront”, forcing them to use their firearms in self-defence.

Members of the community and local NGOs deny this. No soldiers or police officers were injured.

Amnesty International has called on the federal and state governments to ensure that security forces only use force in a manner that complies with international human rights law and standards.

It was the second time in a week that the authorities had attempted to enter the community to assess buildings in Bundu, which is one of the largest waterfront communities in Port Harcourt.

The state government is in the process of demolishing the houses in several waterfront communities and has been paying compensation to owners of property.

Those who do not own their house or shop, or who are unable to prove it, do not receive any compensation or alternative housing.

What it Means to Build a Lasting Peace

2009-10-17T17:38:00.000+01:00

It should be noted at the outset that there are two distinct ways to understand peacebuilding. According the United Nations (UN) document An Agenda for Peace [1], peacebuilding consists of a wide range of activities associated with capacity building, reconciliation, and societal transformation. Peacebuilding is a long-term process that occurs after violent conflict has slowed down or come to a halt. Thus, it is the phase of the peace process that takes place after peacemaking and peacekeeping.
Many non-governmental organizations (NGOs), on the other hand, understand peacebuilding as an umbrella concept that encompasses not only long-term transformative efforts, but also peacemaking.and peacekeeping. In this view, peacebuilding includes early warning and response efforts, violence prevention, advocacy work, civilian and militarypeacekeeping, military intervention, humanitarian assistance, ceasefire agreements, and the establishment of peace zones.
In the interests of keeping these essays a reasonable length, this essay primarily focuses on the narrower use of the term "peacebuilding." For more information about other phases of the peace process, readers should refer to the knowledge base essays about violence prevention, peacemaking and peacekeeping, as well as the essay on peace processes which is what we use as our "umbrella" term.
In this narrower sense, peacebuilding is a process that facilitates the establishment ofdurable peace and tries to prevent the recurrence of violence by addressing root causes and effects of conflict through reconciliation, institution building, and political as well as economic transformation.[1] This consists of a set of physical, social, and structural initiatives that are often an integral part of post-conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation.
It is generally agreed that the central task of peacebuilding is to create positive peace, a "stable social equilibrium in which the surfacing of new disputes does not escalate into violence and war."[2] Sustainable peace is characterized by the absence of physical and structural violence, the elimination of discrimination, and self-sustainability.[3] Moving towards this sort of environment goes beyond problem solving or conflict management. Peacebuilding initiatives try to fix the core problems that underlie the conflict and change the patterns of interaction of the involved parties.[4] They aim to move a given population from a condition of extreme vulnerability and dependency to one of self-sufficiency and well being.[5]
To further understand the notion of peacebuilding, many contrast it with the more traditional strategies of peacemaking and peacekeeping. Peacemaking is the diplomatic effort to end the violence between the conflicting parties, move them towards nonviolent dialogue, and eventually reach a peace agreement. Peacekeeping, on the other hand, is a third-party intervention (often, but not always done by military forces) to assist parties in transitioning from violent conflict to peace by separating the fighting parties and keeping them apart. These peacekeeping operations not only provide security, but also facilitate other non-military initiatives.[6]
Some draw a distinction between post-conflict peacebuilding and long-term peacebuilding. Post-conflict peacebuilding is connected to peacekeeping, and often involves demobilization and reintegration programs, as well as immediate reconstruction needs.[7] Meeting immediate needs and handling crises is no doubt crucial. But while peacemaking and peacekeeping processes are an important part of peace transitions, they are not enough in and of themselves to meet longer-term needs and build a lasting peace.
Long-term peacebuilding techniques are designed to fill this gap, and to address the underlying substantive issues that brought about conflict. Various transformation techniques aim to move parties away from confrontation and violence, and towards political and economic participation, peaceful relationships, and social harmony.[8]
This longer-term perspective is crucial to future violence prevention and the promotion of a more peaceful future. Thinking about the future involves articulating desirable structural, systemic, and relationship goals. These might include sustainable economic development, self-sufficiency, equitable social structures that meet human needs, and building positive relationships.[9]
Peacebuilding measures also aim to prevent conflict from reemerging. Through the creation of mechanisms that enhance cooperation and dialogue among different identity groups, these measures can help parties manage their conflict of interests through peaceful means. This might include building institutions that provide procedures and mechanisms for effectively handling and resolving conflict.[10] For example, societies can build fair courts, capacities for labor negotiation, systems of civil society reconciliation, and a stable electoral process.[11] Such designing of new dispute resolution systems is an important part of creating a lasting peace.
In short, parties must replace the spiral of violence and destruction with a spiral of peace and development, and create an environment conducive to self-sustaining and durable peace.[12] The creation of such an environment has three central dimensions: addressing the underlying causes of conflict, repairing damaged relationships and dealing withpsychological trauma at the individual level. Each of these dimensions relies on different strategies and techniques.

The Structural Dimension: Addressing Root Causes

The structural dimension of peacebuilding focuses on the social conditions that foster violent conflict. Many note that stable peace must be built on social, economic, and political foundations that serve the needs of the populace.[13] In many cases, crises arise out of systemic roots. These root causes are typically complex, but include skewed land distribution, environmental degradation, and unequal political representation.[14] If these social problems are not addressed, there can be no lasting peace.
Thus, in order to establish durable peace, parties must analyze the structural causes of the conflict and initiate social structural change. The promotion of substantive and procedural justice through structural means typically involves institution building and the strengthening ofcivil society.
Avenues of political and economic transformation include social structural change to remedy political or economic injustice, reconstruction programs designed to help communities ravaged by conflict revitalize their economies, and the institution of effective and legitimaterestorative justice systems.[15] Peacebuilding initiatives aim to promote nonviolent mechanisms that eliminate violence, foster structures that meet basic human needs, and maximize public participation.[16]
To provide fundamental services to its citizens, a state needs strong executive, legislative, and judicial institutions.[17] Many point to democratization as a key way to create these sorts of peace-enhancing structures. Democratization seeks to establish legitimate and stable political institutions and civil liberties that allow for meaningful competition for political power and broad participation in the selection of leaders and policies.[18] It is important for governments to adhere to principles of transparency and predictability, and for laws to be adopted through an open and public process.[19] For the purpose of post-conflict peacebuilding, the democratization process should be part of a comprehensive project to rebuild society's institutions.
Political structural changes focus on political development, state building, and the establishment of effective government institutions. This often involves election reform, judicial reform, power-sharing initiatives, and constitutional reform. It also includes building political parties, creating institutions that provide procedures and mechanisms for effectively handling and resolving conflict, and establishing mechanisms to monitor and protect human rights. Such institution building and infrastructure development typically requires the dismantling, strengthening, or reformation of old institutions in order to make them more effective.
It is crucial to establish and maintain rule of law, and to implement rules and procedures that constrain the powers of all parties and hold them accountable for their actions.[20] This can help to ease tension, create stability, and lessen the likelihood of further conflict. For example, an independent judiciary can serve as a forum for the peaceful resolution of disputes and post-war grievances.[21]
In addition, societies need a system of criminal justice that deters and punishes banditry and acts of violence.[22] Fair police mechanisms must be established and government officials and members of the police force must be trained to observe basic rights in the execution of their duties.[23] In addition, legislation protecting minorities and laws securing gender equality should be advanced. Courts and police forces must be free of corruption and discrimination.
But structural change can also be economic. Many note that economic development is integral to preventing future conflict and avoiding a relapse into violence.[24] Economic factors that put societies at risk include lack of employment opportunities, food scarcity, and lack of access to natural resources or land. A variety of social structural changes aim to eliminate the structural violence that arises out of a society's economic system. These economic and social reforms include economic development programs, health care assistance, land reform, social safety nets, and programs to promote agricultural productivity.[25]
Economic peacebuilding targets both the micro- and macro-level and aims to create economic opportunities and ensure that the basic needs of the population are met. On the microeconomic level, societies should establish micro-credit institutions to increase economic activity and investment at the local level, promote inter-communal trade and an equitable distribution of land, and expand school enrollment and job training.[26] On the macroeconomic level, the post-conflict government should be assisted in its efforts to secure the economic foundations and infrastructure necessary for a transition to peace.[27]

The Relational Dimension

A second integral part of building peace is reducing the effects of war-related hostility through the repair and transformation of damaged relationships. The relational dimension of peacebuilding centers on reconciliation, forgiveness, trust building, and future imagining. It seeks to minimize poorly functioning communication and maximize mutual understanding.[28]
Many believe that reconciliation is one of the most effective and durable ways to transform relationships and prevent destructive conflicts.[29] The essence of reconciliation is the voluntary initiative of the conflicting parties to acknowledge their responsibility and guilt. Parties reflect upon their own role and behavior in the conflict, and acknowledge and accept responsibility for the part they have played. As parties share their experiences, they learn new perspectives and change their perception of their "enemies." There is recognition of the difficulties faced by the opposing side and of their legitimate grievances, and a sense of empathy begins to develop. Each side expresses sincere regret and remorse, and is prepared to apologize for what has transpired. The parties make a commitment to let go ofanger, and to refrain from repeating the injury. Finally, there is a sincere effort to redress past grievances and compensate for the damage done. This process often relies on interactive negotiation and allows the parties to enter into a new mutually enriching relationship.[30]
One of the essential requirements for the transformation of conflicts is effective communication and negotiation at both the elite and grassroots levels. Through both high- and community-level dialogues, parties can increase their awareness of their own role in the conflict and develop a more accurate perception of both their own and the other group'sidentity.[31] As each group shares its unique history, traditions, and culture, the parties may come to understand each other better. International exchange programs and problem-solving workshops are two techniques that can help to change perceptions, build trust, open communication, and increase empathy.[32] For example, over the course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the main antagonists have sometimes been able to build trust through meeting outside their areas, not for formal negotiations, but simply to better understand each other.[33]
If these sorts of bridge-building communication systems are in place, relations between the parties can improve and any peace agreements they reach will more likely be self-sustaining.[34] (The Israeli-Palestinian situation illustrates that there are no guarantees, however.) Various mass communication and education measures, such as peace radio and TV, peace-education projects, and conflict-resolution training, can help parties to reach such agreements.[35] And dialogue between people of various ethnicities or opposing groups can lead to deepened understanding and help to change the demonic image of the enemy group.[36] It can also help parties to overcome grief, fear, and mistrust and enhance their sense of security.
A crucial component of such dialogue is future imaging, whereby parties form a vision of the commonly shared future they are trying to build. Conflicting parties often have more in common in terms of their visions of the future than they do in terms of their shared and violent past.[37] The thought is that if they know where they are trying to go, it will be easier to get there.
Another way for the parties to build a future together is to pursue joint projects that are unrelated to the conflict's core issues and center on shared interests. This can benefit the parties' relationship. Leaders who project a clear and hopeful vision of the future and the ways and means to get there can play a crucial role here.
But in addition to looking towards the future, parties must deal with their painful past.Reconciliation not only envisions a common, connected future, but also recognizes the need to redress past wrongdoing.[38] If the parties are to renew their relationship and build an interdependent future, what has happened must be exposed and then forgiven.
Indeed, a crucial part of peacebuilding is addressing past wrongdoing while at the same time promoting healing and rule of law.[39] Part of repairing damaged relationships is responding to past human rights violations and genocide through the establishment of truth commissions, fact-finding missions, and war crimes tribunals.[40] These processes attempt to deal with the complex legal and emotional issues associated with human rights abuses and ensure that justice is served. It is commonly thought that past injustice must be recognized, and the perpetrators punished if parties wish to achieve reconciliation.
However, many note that the retributive justice advanced by Western legal systems often ignores the needs of victims and exacerbates wounds.[41] Many note that to advance healing between the conflicting parties, justice must be more reparative in focus. Central torestorative justice is its future-orientation and its emphasis on the relationship between victims and offenders. It seeks to engage both victims and offenders in dialogue and make things right by identifying their needs and obligations.[42] Having community-based restorative justice processes in place can help to build a sustainable peace.

The Personal Dimension

The personal dimension of peacebuilding centers on desired changes at the individual level. If individuals are not able to undergo a process of healing, there will be broader social, political, and economic repercussions.[43] The destructive effects of social conflict must be minimized, and its potential for personal growth must be maximized.[44] Reconstruction and peacebuilding efforts must prioritize treating mental health problems and integrate these efforts into peace plans and rehabilitation efforts.
In traumatic situations, a person is rendered powerless and faces the threat of death and injury. Traumatic events might include a serious threat or harm to one's family or friends, sudden destruction of one's home or community, and a threat to one's own physical being.[45] Such events overwhelm an individual's coping resources, making it difficult for the individual to function effectively in society.[46] Typical emotional effects include depression and post-traumatic stress disorder. After prolonged and extensive trauma, a person is often left with intense feelings that negatively influence his/her psychological well being. After an experience of violence, an individual is likely to feel vulnerable, helpless, and out of control in a world that is unpredictable.[47]
Building peace requires attention to these psychological and emotional layers of the conflict. The social fabric that has been destroyed by war must be repaired, and trauma must be dealt with on the national, community, and individual levels.[48] At the national level, parties can accomplish widespread personal healing through truth and reconciliation commissions that seek to uncover the truth and deal with perpetrators. At the community level, parties can pay tribute to the suffering of the past through various rituals or ceremonies, or build memorials to commemorate the pain and suffering that has been endured.[49] Strong family units that can rebuild community structures and moral environments are also crucial.
At the individual level, one-on-one counseling has obvious limitations when large numbers of people have been traumatized and there are insufficient resources to address their needs. Peacebuilding initiatives must therefore provide support for mental health infrastructure and ensure that mental health professionals receive adequate training. Mental health programs should be adapted to suit the local context, and draw from traditional and communal practice and customs wherever possible.[50] Participating in counseling and dialogue can help individuals to develop coping mechanisms and to rebuild their trust in others.[51]
If it is taken that psychology drives individuals' attitudes and behaviors, then new emphasis must be placed on understanding the social psychology of conflict and its consequences. If ignored, certain victims of past violence are at risk for becoming perpetrators of future violence.[52] Victim empowerment and support can help to break this cycle.

Peacebuilding Agents

Peacebuilding measures should integrate civil society in all efforts and include all levels of society in the post-conflict strategy. All society members, from those in elite leadershippositions, to religious leaders, to those at the grassroots level, have a role to play in building a lasting peace. Many apply John Paul Lederach's model of hierarchical intervention levelsto make sense of the various levels at which peacebuilding efforts occur.[53]
Because peace-building measures involve all levels of society and target all aspects of the state structure, they require a wide variety of agents for their implementation. These agents advance peace-building efforts by addressing functional and emotional dimensions in specified target areas, including civil society and legal institutions.[54] While external agents can facilitate and support peacebuilding, ultimately it must be driven by internal forces. It cannot be imposed from the outside.
Various internal actors play an integral role in peacebuilding and reconstruction efforts. The government of the affected country is not only the object of peacebuilding, but also the subject. While peacebuilding aims to transform various government structures, the government typically oversees and engages in this reconstruction process. A variety of the community specialists, including lawyers, economists, scholars, educators, and teachers, contribute their expertise to help carry out peacebuilding projects. Finally, a society's religious networks can play an important role in establishing social and moral norms.[55]
Nevertheless, outside parties typically play a crucial role in advancing such peacebuilding efforts. Few peacebuilding plans work unless regional neighbors and other significant international actors support peace through economic development aid and humanitarian relief.[56] At the request of the affected country, international organizations can intervene at the government level to transform established structures.[57] They not only provide monetary support to post-conflict governments, but also assist in the restoration of financial and political institutions. Because their efforts carry the legitimacy of the international community, they can be quite effective.
Various institutions provide the necessary funding for peacebuilding projects. While international institutions are the largest donors, private foundations contribute a great deal through project-based financing.[58] In addition, regional organizations often help to both fund and implement peacebuilding strategies. Finally, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) often carry out small-scale projects to strengthen countries at the grassroots level. Not only traditional NGOs but also the business and academic community and various grassroots organizations work to further these peace-building efforts. All of the groups help to address "the limits imposed on governmental action by limited resources, lack of consensus, or insufficient political will."[59]
Some suggest that governments, NGOs, and intergovernmental agencies need to create categories of funding related to conflict transformation and peacebuilding.[60] Funds are often difficult to secure when they are intended to finance preventive action. And middle-range initiatives, infrastructure building, and grassroots projects do not typically attract significant funding, even though these sorts of projects may have the greatest potential to sustain long-term conflict transformation.[61] Those providing resources for peacebuilding initiatives must look to fill these gaps. In addition, external actors must think through the broader ramifications of their programs.[62] They must ensure that funds are used to advance genuine peacebuilding initiatives rather than be swallowed up by corrupt leaders or channeled into armed conflict.
But as already noted, higher-order peace, connected to improving local capacities, is not possible simply through third-party intervention.[63] And while top-down approaches are important, peace must also be built from the bottom up. Many top-down agreements collapse because the ground below has not been prepared. Top-down approaches must therefore be buttressed, and relationships built.
Thus, an important task in sustaining peace is to build a peace constituency within the conflict setting. Middle-range actors form the core of a peace constituency. They are more flexible than top-level leaders, and less vulnerable in terms of daily survival than those at the grassroots level.[64] Middle-range actors who strive to build bridges to their counterparts across the lines of conflict are the ones best positioned to sustain conflict transformation. This is because they have an understanding of the nuances of the conflict setting, as well as access to the elite leadership.
Many believe that the greatest resource for sustaining peace in the long term is always rooted in the local people and their culture.[65] Parties should strive to understand the cultural dimension of conflict, and identify the mechanisms for handling conflict that exist within that cultural setting. Building on cultural resources and utilizing local mechanisms for handling disputes can be quite effective in resolving conflicts and transforming relationships. Initiatives that incorporate citizen-based peacebuilding include community peace projects in schools and villages, local peace commissions and problem-solving workshops, and a variety of other grassroots initiatives.
Effective peacebuilding also requires public-private partnerships in addressing conflict and greater coordination among the various actors.[66] International governmental organizations, national governments, bilateral donors, and international and local NGOs need to coordinate to ensure that every dollar invested in peacebuilding is spent wisely.[67] To accomplish this, advanced planning and intervention coordination is needed.
There are various ways to attempt to coordinate peace-building efforts. One way is to develop a peace inventory to keep track of which agents are doing various peace-building activities. A second is to develop clearer channels of communication and more points of contact between the elite and middle ranges. In addition, a coordination committee should be instituted so that agreements reached at the top level are actually capable of being implemented.[68] A third way to better coordinate peace-building efforts is to create peace-donor conferences that bring together representatives from humanitarian organizations, NGOs, and the concerned governments. It is often noted that "peacebuilding would greatly benefit from cross-fertilization of ideas and expertise and the bringing together of people working in relief, development, conflict resolution, arms control, diplomacy, and peacekeeping."[69] Lastly, there should be efforts to link internal and external actors. Any external initiatives must also enhance the capacity of internal resources to build peace-enhancing structures that support reconciliation efforts throughout a society.[70] In other words, the international role must be designed to fit each case.

By
Michelle Maiese

Nigeria condemns human rights violation in Western Sahara

2009-10-17T17:22:00.000+01:00

LAGOS, Oct 12 -- The Nigerian government has condemned human rights violations unleashed on workers of Western Sahara, saying it would co-opt the Nigerian Labor Congress (NLC) leadership to tackle some of the problems in the region, the Daily Independent newspaper reported on Monday.
    Nigerian Minister of Labor and Productivity Adetokunbo Kayode made the remarks on Sunday during his meeting with Aminatou Haidar, president of the Saharawi Collective of Human Rights Defenders.
    Kayode said the Nigerian government would mobilize other international human rights organizations to fight against those who try to "violate and frustrate the peace plan agreement by the United Nations to ensure that peace reigns in the Western Sahara."
    Nigeria will "do everything possible to ensure that the rights to self determination in Western Sahara is respected," he said.
    The minister called on the NLC to accelerate awareness campaign about the rights of the people in Western Sahara in Africa, adding that such steps would hasten the settlement of the conflicts in the region.
    On her side, Haidar said Nigeria commands great respect in Africa and that such strength should be used for the liberation of others in the region.

by Deng Shasha

Methods of Tackling Corruption in Nigeria

2009-10-17T17:02:00.000+01:00

The Problems

Few would disagree with the contention that in Nigeria today, nepotism, extortion and bribery have become a way of life and not just with politicians except that in their case it is exhibited more shamelessly. Corruption has become systematic. Despite Obasanjo's tremendous effort, corruption is still institutional at all levels in such a way that it has become an integral component of the administrative, social and political culture in Nigeria. It evokes strong emotional reactions within our societies, strong negative sensation like an itch and there is widespread concern about its extent.

People’s frustration and disenchantment with the rising level of corruption has given way to cynicism and a sense of resignation and despair. They no longer believe that anything meaningful will ever get done to control it and punish those perpetrating such crimes. They appear to have accepted corruption in the public sector as inevitable and uncontrollable, on the plea that societies as a whole is corrupt and beyond correction. This school of thought also argues that the rather low-level of active societal resistance to corruption reflects how people have taken corruption in their stride, accepting it as a part and parcel of a transaction with public agencies.

One could wonder, it is not that corrupt practices are not found in the public sector in other societies. Corruption exists in one form or another in all societies. The major difference in the case of Nigeria is the extent of its persuasiveness and its implications for governance and the value system in general and the political culture in particular. The growth of that negative sensation became like dominoes rising instead of falling, collecting waves of feeling which released internal energy so invigorating, so frustrating simply from an ordinary itch that could otherwise have being ignored.

I wonder many times the reasons behind persistent corruption? Could it be attributed to the collusion by foreigners with our disgruntled leaders who defraud and found safe refuge and acceptance in UK, the United States, Switzerland, and most other developed countries? Or perhaps due to the enslavement of our people for many centuries, an enslavement that some contend continues today, disguised in several forms. Or largely because the poverty level is so high that people find it difficult to access information and be well informed, making them cheap to bribe during election and hence elect bad leaders again and again. Or perhaps, it is a matter of greed, the need to accumulate more and more at others expense?. Whatever the reasons, it appears that there is an unprecedented growing scale of corruption, the scandals involving political leaders, senior civil servants and legislators, the inadequacies, ineptitude and persistent disregard for the rule of law by the elites in the country are gnawing deeply into the vitals of our societies. The credibility of those in high places could never have been lower than what it is today despite effort to eradicate corruption. Since citizens are the eventual financiers of the administration machinery they rightly feel indignant that their trust has been betrayed and the resources provided to the public sector are misspent and misplaced.

For us in Diaspora the feeling is two fold. Due to bad publicity, international media amplifies our dilemma. For example, one has only to turn-on TV in Europe and especially in North America to see how Africa is cast, often with fabricated sorry scenarios with images of African famine with naked, malnourished, fly-infested kids and fragile-looking women holding empty bowls in desolate villages. We see these misconception and try in our little ways to ameliorate the situation and ask ourselves what our African leaders doing? We must restructure our system that grants discretionary powers to those in authority and then protects them through secrecy and immunity clauses in our Constitution.

The Basic Strategy for Effective Governance

Nigerians are very good at talking about how bad the Nigerian economy has been; how the rate of crimes has gone up, the rise of communal, religious and ethnic clashes, the down of Naira etc., without tangible solutions. But as long as we do not transform our words into deeds, into action there will NEVER be progress. Growth is fundamentally achieved by having in place some basic elements of economic development. Elements like stable electricity, water, security and standards for accountability, with workable, measurable and within-time frame economic reforms like China did in 70s and 80s.

1) There should be no justification whatsoever for the lack of stable power supply, water supply, and low crime rate across the country. Without these, there will be no economic developments at all.

2) There should be rules and criteria simple to understand and administer and the information made readily available: For instance, several activities in Nigeria undertaken by the government put it in a monopolistic position. And if a number of criteria have to be taken into consideration in arriving at a decision, then an element of subjectivity and judgement is involved. The problem may not necessarily be the degree of discretion but the extent to which the process is opaque and shrouded in mystery. Therefore, if the rules and criteria simple to understand and administer and information about them is readily available, then the government’s decisions could be challenged or improved by the citizens.

3) There should be a wider distribution of the information on the rules, a better specification of the criteria, and greater transparency in respect of decisions reached and the institution of a system of appeal will help reduce the element of collusion and the abuse of the discretion that is built into the nature of the activity. For instance, transparency could be introduced in the selection of a school teacher by first specifying weights for academic and professional qualifications and the grades obtained and making this information public. Next, after the interviews have been conducted, the merit list could be published displaying, separately for each candidate, the marks allotted for qualifications and for performance in the interviews. The adoption of such a procedure will enable each applicant to, check if he has been assessed fairly, and whether the final selection was based on merit.

4) There should be appropriate reporting systems and supervisory controls and legislation on people’s right to information on decisions taken or actions initiated by the Government. For example power corrupts when it is wielded without fear of accountability and reprisal. And when supervisors are in collusion with their subordinates it becomes difficult, if not impossible, to have an effective arrangement for accountability. The problem is accentuated by the difficulties of measuring both the performance of personnel as well as the impact of their decisions. The problem becomes more difficult to resolve simply because of the lack of appropriate reporting systems and supervisory controls, especially if cases involving disciplinary action take years to conclude or never.

Moreover, even under this definition, accountability is viewed more as a problem with the organisation and not as the accountability of the service-provider to the recipient of the service, the consumer, which is the most important level of accountability. The users of the service generally do not know the rules governing service provision, especially regarding service standards, partly because such standards have seldom been developed. Current legislation in Nigeria does not require the government or public agencies to disclose information on decisions taken or actions initiated. The public has also been brought up on the tradition that they have no right to any information and hence do not protest against the lack of information and the secrecy maintained on even the most basic matters hence, they are simply unaware of their rights and the recourse available to them if these rights are denied to them.

Even the political leadership wants to operate behind a cloak of secrecy, like the bureaucracy, and is not concerned at the denial of such a fundamental right to the ordinary citizen. The immediate, although limited, advantage of hiding the truth since it suits the party in power-has far reaching long-term implications in which everyone loses, does not prevent public representatives from taking a myopic, extremely short-term view. This situation is skilfully exploited by the bureaucracy, which is the real long-term beneficiary of a regime operating under the cloak of secrecy, confidentiality and immunity clauses.

Furthermore, most citizens do not encounter corruption on a daily basis, but on the basis of distinct episodes involving interaction with public agencies in specific circumstances. If a citizen is not exposed to corrupt practices frequently (from which he or she also does not benefit directly), he/she is less likely to invest time and effort in taking up cudgels against it and lobby vigorously for structural and systemic reform.

Methods of Tackling Corruption

Corruption can be the product of collusion, in which both parties co-operate willing to enter into a transaction, for example, transactions involving award of contracts, deal fixing, fiscal concessions, rulings in favour of a party either at the expense of someone else or by depriving the agency of revenues from penalties imposed on transgressions, etc.

Then there is corruption involving forced extractions in the form of bribes for rendering certain services or granting permissions, even of a routine nature, taking advantage of the plight in which the supplicant finds himself.

Other forms of corruptions are bribes paid in the hope of getting a favourable ruling. Much of the corruption of this variety is a product of the tradition under which people have been brought to keep in good humour the authority with the mandate to grant a permission; at times the purpose may not be to obtain a favour but to simply remain in the good books of the person carrying the authority to take a decision.

Bribes paid either to extract favours or to ensure a level playing field, "in keeping with the traditions of the Ministry involved" are not only difficult to detect but also difficult to address by enlisting sizeable support for reform. It would be relatively easier to garner support against corruption involving award of contracts, deal fixing, fiscal concessions, rulings in favour or forced payments.

This meaningless cancer (corruption) could be uprooted systematically through the proposed solutions below. The two standard methods to tackle the menace are as follows:

1) Since corruption emanates from the top, it can be checked by putting honest people in position of authority. This statement, however, begs the obvious question where Nigerians of integrity can be found.

a) The accountability mechanism provided by elections has failed to cleanse the system. The electorate, which laments the corruption of the present crop of politicians, has repeatedly voted them back into the legislature during elections. What enables the current system to perpetuate itself? Why don't the voters (specially the less privileged ones) revolt and refuse to vote for looters and plunderers and vote for those who propose reforms? From the behaviour of the people it seems that they prefer to vote for someone who can arrange the most favours from the system (and these favours could be rights being denied to them). It is these expectations of favours in gaining an unfair advantage and in getting around the system that partly explains why the less privileged voters do not refuse to vote for looters and plunderers and vote for someone who promises reforms instead. They have little hope that the system will be fair to them and that it will ever function in accordance with the norms of civilised societies.

b) Low salaries coerce most public servants into corruption. Whereas one would concede that salaries of public sector personnel need to be increased, one does not subscribe to the view that this measure alone will be enough for tackling the issue of corruption.

We undoubtedly need a significantly leaner but a professionally competent and well-paid bureaucracy (less bureaucracy of-course). Substantial salary revisions should be able to attract the more educated and enterprising young men and women into the public sector. However, their entry into the public domain is more likely to improve productivity and efficiency, a commodity also in desperately short supply in the public sector, its impact on the level of corruption is likely to be marginal, without strong accountability mechanism.

But then we have seen (and argued above) that without greater openness and transparency and without a radical restructuring of a system that grants discretionary powers to those in authority and then protects them through secrecy, immunity and denial of information, layers upon layers of supervisory cadre and elaborate disciplinary procedures will simply fail to make the bureaucracy accountable to the citizenry.

c) Therefore, to address these issues in a meaningful manner we will have to reduce the opportunities for indulging in corrupt practices; by reducing the incentives for public office, through greater privatisation and deregulation of the economy, decentralisation, merit based recruitment, disclosures of the incomes and wealth of all representatives and key public functionaries. A beginning in this direction will have to be made by first reforming the economy just like in China, and at the same time reforming the political process (like the on-going Political Reform Conference - www.nprc-online.org) . The way in which political parties are financed, particularly around elections, is central to this issue.

d) Next we need to identify areas where control of corruption will be relatively easier and the gains will be high, especially in economic and political terms similar to South Korea. Some of the obvious proposals in this regard would be the following:

2) There should be a requirement that all reasons advanced to justify the use of the discretionary power should be documented and accessible to all parties to the transaction. By introducing transparency, the practice of exercising discretionary powers frequently and with impunity, without fear of accountability, will be automatically curtailed.

a) People should be having access to information on the decisions and actions taken by public authorities. The right to information is critical to the effective functioning of democracies. The Freedom of Information Act needs to be promulgated after appropriate revisions.

b) Service standards need to be developed and the citizen should have information on the procedures and mechanisms for obtaining redress and the institutions to be approached for the associated remedial action. Wider distribution of such information will go a long way in empowering citizens to challenge corruption and abuse of power. It will be essential here to understand clearly what has and has not worked, and to pour greatest resources resolutely into those approaches that stand the greatest chance of continuing growth.

c) Today the media is playing a major role in exposing corruption, thereby rendering a laudable service. There is the need to restructure the NTA so that it is accessible at every comer of the country. Brands of attractive programs and informative issues should systematically be added and aired. It can strengthen the bands of crusaders against corruption by supporting and extolling the efforts of such people.

d) The chambers of commerce and various other associations of businessmen can collectively take the stand that they will not be a party to corrupt practices. So far, despite their complaints on the pervasiveness of corruption, they have chosen to remain silent on how this issue should be tackled. We all know the reason for this stance. Individual entrepreneurs only take into consideration the short-term interest of their own corporations, regardless of the fact that the business culture is being damaged in the process.

Eventually, however, awareness and commitment on the part of public representatives and opinion makers to control corruption will determine the degree of success of the initiatives taken to check the growth of this cancer and to cleanse the system. We cannot expect the elite, the beneficiaries of the present system, to change a system that is heavily biased in their favour by devising mechanisms that will result in the withdrawal of their present privileges and the elimination of the rents that the current system confers on them. They will have to be shown the wisdom or forced them into responding to organised and persistent pressure from groups in civil society for the reform and restructuring of the system.

At present Nigeria does not, like countries with long standing democracies, implement corrective and institutional arrangements restraining the excesses of the decision-makers. However, a host of changes are taking place both at the international and domestic levels which will facilitate the development of institutions, mechanisms and processes to bring to book the dishonest running of the national apparatus. In this regard, the most important opportunity today is being provided by the rapid pace at which barriers of knowledge and communication are being removed.

The Information Revolution

Nigerians must be made to take advantage of the Internet and satellite communication. The Internet allows us to seek out the information (learn, communicate, conduct business, find entertainment etc) we want and ignore the rest. The material we seek comes to us in a text-based e-magazine or database. This information revolution will improve our knowledge on the initiatives and efforts being taken by other nations, and make government job much easier and better, and provide fast and reliable medium of other information (such as the cases of corruption against political leaders pursued, vigorously in developed countries), and to check the scourge of corruption. Nigerian government must re-assess the tariffs imposed on all computers and other communication devices and devise better means of promoting the advantages of computers in the whole country. For example by computerizing all government institutions, facilitating computer training and giving incentives to citizens who individually pursue these knowledge.

Basic Strategic Method - The Practical Aspect of It

	The implementation can, in its most basic outline be summarized as three basic proposals.
	First I propose the identification, selection; training and mobilization of a new group of 600,000 vision specialists (must represent the whole tribes of the country). They should be cross-trained in both development and appropriate reporting systems and supervisory controls skills, though the later area will be disclosed only selectively within the people groups where they will be assigned to work.
	Second, I propose that these vision specialists concentrate their efforts exclusively on the problems already identified (above). In particular, there should be lots of improvisation. They should focus on one of the government institution one after the other on a block basis.
	Third, I propose that second group, new vision specialists are to be created and allowed to supplement the efforts of the previous group, and create new support mechanisms, none of which should interfere with the efforts of the first vision specialists but only check them. As should be clear, two-hungers strategy should be designed as a supplementary strategy (the groups are aware of their existence but unaware of each other). As such, it should enhance (rather than conflict with) most of the plans.

In sending out this new force of curtailment of corruption, we prepare them into a life and death battle equipped with government support and into most restrictive government institutions, either giving them an appointment (at all levels) to watch what goes on, appearing as soliciting for contracts, or just as ordinary citizen seeking for some information etc. Clearly, God’s grace is sufficient to pursue the radical reform. But the government also need to be good stewards. To this end it must maximize the effectiveness of the vision specialists by massive media campaign in spreading even a trivial disclosure of an act of corruption and systematically relegate or discharge the perpetrators. As with any battle, the outcome will be influenced by a number of factors.

Two of these are superior personnel and superior training and their degree of patriotism. The third factor will be continued superior strategy that will be too much to present in this article. But to help develop an understanding of the overall strategy, there is the need to see it within a broader context. Though some will disagree, I believe that each of these Basic Strategic Methods must be taken for each of the groups, sowing many good seeds while allowing other efforts to be pulled if necessary. The first factor is initial willingness of the Government to accept the method of change.

Finally I would like us to remember that, we Nigerians face great challenges. On the surface, there are communities that would prefer to separate, rather than share a country. There is a strong minority that fears marginalization and its distinctive culture overwhelmed. There is unfair struggle for power. There is a rich resource base, and a sense of great potential waiting to be realized, but serious disparities exist among the regions. The once “great Nigeria’ appears to be drifting further apart. Yet, I have not seen a single issue of substance that is insurmountable. Because the fact of the matter is that the Greatness of Nigeria is in its present COMPOSITION. Nigeria is the so-called giant of Africa because we share diversity in different forms within a single nation, an advantage that if properly channelled will lead to true GREATNESS and indeed the Giant of Africa. Though some will disagree with me, but the fact remains that Nigeria is the One single country with the largest black people in this planet. I have been privileged to look at the Nigerian public life from outside (objectively) from across Europe up to North America, and have been into most part of Nigeria where I met, talked and listened to thousands of Nigerians from across the board. Throughout that experience, I have not met one single person who proclaims that there are irreconcilable differences in Nigeria. There are, of course, different views about the appropriate power of the government, or the appropriate role of the government, or this right and those rights, or Senate this and that, President this and that or a thousand other important issues. Even those that advocate for balkanization eventually say that we have more to benefit from working together under one umbrella.

In my judgement, many of these issues, such as those mentioned above, and the issue of national reconciliation are urgent and cannot be simply ignored. They are real issues, and by God not unsolvable. I believe what will come out of the present National Conference will be such that every Nigeria and part of the country will come out a winner, and Nigeria a more united than ever. Because I understand that none of those divided issues are so fundamental that they should cause a country to fail; particularly a country that, by any objective standard, deserves the best for it has the best. Nor does the sum of those differences warrant balkanization of the country that has so much in common, so much to gain from our differences.

Successful countries today, were those whose citizens, at one time or the other, under strong leadership, rose above personal, sectional, political or religious differences and worked together to build a viable nation in order to guarantee the welfare of its citizens.

God Bless

Baba J. Adamu

Confab IT Advisor

bjadamu@ibabsnet.com

UNDERSTANDING SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

2009-10-17T16:08:00.000+01:00

Sustainable development means building our communities so that we can all live comfortably without consuming all of our resources. We make an impact on our environment through how we live our lives. Another way to say this is that we all leave an ecological footprint. Imagine yourself in a garden. If you were to run around the garden wearing heavy boots, you would probably do a lot of damage to the fruits and vegetables growing there. If you were to walk carefully through the garden in bare feet, you would be able to eat just as many fruits and vegetables as the person wearing heavy boots, but you would also be leaving a lot more for yourself and others to eat the next day. It is the same thing with our resources. Living in a sustainable way means leaving more of things we all need to share, like water, energy, clean air and forests, for future generations.

Sustainable development is not just about conserving our resources: it is about changing our culture to make conservation a way of life. The earth has a natural balance, and over consumption of its resources, whether it is polluting or diverting water, or over-using land for building or agriculture or mining, or clear cutting of forests, or over-fishing the ocean, or burning too many fossil fuels throws that balance off and makes it difficult for the earth to renew itself. Living sustainably means only consuming as much as we need, while making sure to never consume so much that it cannot be replaced. Changing habits in daily or community life, in government or in business is often referred to as “greening practices”. The term “green” is used to refer to anything that is built for or working towards a sustainable, environmentally-friendly future.

Most people would like to live in a sustainable community, but they cannot afford to do so because current business models encourage activities that do not take into account future problems. Sustainable development creates long-term economic stability, but does not create short-term profits. Governments, businesses, and consumers all need to change their habits for sustainable development to be the norm, not the exception. By co-operating in sustainable development, we can all look forward to a green future.

ENGAGING THE PRESENT TO SECURE THE FUTURE

2009-10-17T10:04:00.000+01:00

We are not gathered here for a talk-shop. A close look at the theme of this summit tells me that the organizers thought deep and hard to arrive at this decision of holding a summit at this point in time in our history. Let me begin by saluting your youthfulness. It is a thing of joy to be called a youth. Infact , you are lucky to be a Youth. Thank God you are a Youth. It is the age of youth that many great things are accomplished. In every epoch and age the youths determine the fate of society. The youths decide whether a given society should live or die. They the youths are the dreamers and the designers; they are the solders and the seekers of adventures. Uninhibited by caution and fear, youths dare where the elderly act with deliberation. It is in the nature of the youths to search and to discover; to confront and to interrogate! A docile youthful population is a society doomed. The youths must ask question and they must get answers. Your gathering here I believe is to ask questions and design strategies to find answers and solutions to the challenges facing us as a people.

The enthusiasms of the youths are the foundries through which impossibilities meet their eternal waterloo. In the hands of the youths, the tomorrow bears another name – achievement. Youths are achievers. This may explain why civilization has grown. The elderly who may sometimes be weary in the bones or discouraged by the experience of “no-progress” despite trials depend on the youths to give society hope. In China and India it is the youths that have led the technological and industrial revolution that has exploded there, leading to unprecedented growth and prosperity. The youths of Europe and America are now leading in those societies in the sustainability movement so that our ravaged planet can be healed again.

But for the youths to live and be proud to be this great inheritor of everything positive as associated with the youth, he or she must be prepared. The youths must not live in the prison of doubt. Where anger reigns the youths must channel it to change for the common good. It is good and right to be angry but anger for anger sake may become rooted in hatred and germinate in destruction.

Here in lies the challenge facing the youths of Nigeria even more so the youths of the Niger Delta. How prepared is the youths as he / she transit from a child to a youth? What book has the youth read? How many times in a week has the youth sat with elders listening and drinking from the well of their wisdom? What type of up-bringing has the youth gotten? How and in what environment was the youth brought up? What role models are there for youths to emulate? What time do leaders spend in building youths? The most important assignment of any generation is preparing for the next generation. An ill prepared generation will undoubtedly wallow in stagnation and be ensconced in negative primitivism. Such a generation will make no mark on history’s’ hallowed pages. There will be nothing to be recorded in the positive even as the train of history sweeps passes in scorn. Not a note of acknowledgement. May your generation not be counted ‘’ as wasted’’ or ‘’ lost’’.

This is the point this important summit must address. The history of Nigeria is replete with stories of brave young men and women who took extra – ordinary steps to change our circumstance. The youth movements of the thirties and forties produced the Ziks, Awos and the Ernest Ikolis; the fifties produced the Melford Okilos, The Balarabe Musas, the Ambrose Ali’s, the Sam Mbakwes, the Kayode Jakandes; the sixties the Kaduna Nzeogwu, the Wole Soyinkas, J.P.Clark, the Achebes, the Isaac Boros. When the cilvil war exploded, it was the youths that fought and died. When the nation was assailed by the viruses of Coups and counter Coups it was again the youths that led the resistance by the pro-democacy movements, through sweat and blood, poetry and dance.

Back home in the Niger Delta of the 90s, a plethora of ideological youthisms exploded as the region marshaled an agenda to engage the Nigerian State and transnational oil corporations on the vexed questions of survival and sustainability. Youths gathered under communal and ethnic banners like the National Youth Council Of Ogoni (NYCOP) Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) ISOKO National Youth Movement (INYN) Itsekiri National Youth Council (INYN)and several others in Urhobo; Oron; Ibibio; Annang; Egi; Ukuani etc. It was the youths that made declarations and stood by them with pain and blood.

In engaging the present to secure the future the youths of today must know itself, prepare and be very clear about the future it seeks to secure. Throwing stones at the present without a clear understanding of the destination and direction it seeks will be a waste of valuable time and opportunity. A youth who may not have had adequate preparation to be an effective leader or an influential follower owes himself or herself that duty of education. Let me say this: by education I do not only mean the formal class room set up. You can be self-educated in addition to the education obtained in the four walls of an institution of higher Learning. Neglecting community education for example does our progress great disservice. What you learn, working and helping to build your communities, the Harwards or Oxfords and Uniport and USTs of this world cannot give you. These schools will not teach you the core morals of the company you keep, the value of togetherness and love. These things are not obtained in or on an academic sojourn.

To engage the present, a rigorous review of the events of the present is vital? Is the present a surrogate of the past? If it is, what can we do to correct this deformed surrogacy? These are my suggestion to you.

1. Set up STUDY GROUPS in every neighborhood. The study group should then become the nucleus of debates and understanding. Experts on various issues concerning our present can be invited to present papers month after month even as we build a bank of understanding of the issues. You can start now. Not tomorrow, today. You must record the highlights of the discussions and to keep engaged in the governance process, I suggest you send the results of such deliberations to the chairman of your local government; the Governor of your State and the president of your Country. The suggestion of study group is not at all new. Some of you are already doing it. It has been tested, it will work. The biggest danger we are faced today is to allow the youths to grow into vessels of ignorance.

2. The youths must become involved in the issues of community, not the cowboy variety who are given to violence at every turn, no. We are talking of youths who generate ideas for growth and development at community meetings. In those meetings the concerned youths must calmly and stubbornly suggest that communal resources be used for communal common good that benefits the present and the future.

3. There is no end to education. The youth of today must become involved in continuing education through engaging our conscientious elders of integrity. Many years on earth offers our elders in experience that cannot be bought with money. The youths must take on the elders and demand to be fed the positive fruits of knowledge even as it must seek to distance itself from the greedy, self-seeking elders who betray their community every now and again.

4. No youth acting alone can succeed. Constant Interaction as you are doing in this conference offers an opportunity to learn from each other. Learning about what the youths of America and other places in the Western and Eastern world are doing will ginger the youths of Nigeria and the Niger Delta into action. Ultimately our planet earth is just one space given to us to live in harmony with one another. We are one.

5. Finally the youths must constantly raise the bar of our advancement. If we achieve peaceful co-existence today we must not rest and celebrate all night, drinking ourselves to death. No my friends. When you achieve peace you must go for justice. When you achieve justice you must go for development and then the next objective until your bones grow weary and you are no longer a youth.

Yes, to me this is my understanding of engaging the present to secure the future. It is up to us. You and I, working together can wipe away the tears now streaming down the faces of the innocent.

I wish you a wonderful deliberation. May God bless us all.

Oronto Douglas

(TEXT OF SPEECH DELIVERED AT YOUTH POWER'S SUMMIT)

President Obama's Speech In Ghana

2009-10-17T08:57:00.000+01:00

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release July 11, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE GHANAIAN PARLIAMENT
Accra International Conference Center
Accra, Ghana

12:40 P.M. GMT

THE PRESIDENT: (Trumpet plays.) I like this. Thank you. Thank you. I think Congress needs one of those horns. (Laughter.) That sounds pretty good. Sounds like Louis Armstrong back there. (Laughter.)

Good afternoon, everybody. It is a great honor for me to be in Accra and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. (Applause.) I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I've received, as are Michelle and Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana's history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States of America. (Applause.)

I want to thank Madam Speaker and all the members of the House of Representatives for hosting us today. I want to thank President Mills for his outstanding leadership. To the former Presidents -- Jerry Rawlings, former President Kufuor -- Vice President, Chief Justice -- thanks to all of you for your extraordinary hospitality and the wonderful institutions that you've built here in Ghana.

I'm speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia for a summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy for a meeting of the world's leading economies. And I've come here to Ghana for a simple reason: The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra, as well. (Applause.)

This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's prosperity. Your health and security can contribute to the world's health and security. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.

So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world -- (applause) -- as partners with America on behalf of the future we want for all of our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility and mutual respect. And that is what I want to speak with you about today.

We must start from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to Africans.

I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. After all, I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family's -- (applause) -- my family's own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.

Some you know my grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya's liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn't simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade -- it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.

My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at a moment of extraordinary promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father's generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. (Applause.) Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways, and history was on the move.

But despite the progress that has been made -- and there has been considerable progress in many parts of Africa -- we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya had a per capita economy larger than South Korea's when I was born. They have badly been outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent.

In many places, the hope of my father's generation gave way to cynicism, even despair. Now, it's easy to point fingers and to pin the blame of these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense helped to breed conflict. The West has often approached Africa as a patron or a source of resources rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father's life, it was partly tribalism and patronage and nepotism in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is still a daily fact of life for far too many.

Now, we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. (Applause.) And by the way, can I say that for that the minority deserves as much credit as the majority. (Applause.) And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana's economy has shown impressive rates of growth. (Applause.)

This progress may lack the drama of 20th century liberation struggles, but make no mistake: It will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of other nations, it is even more important to build one's own nation.

So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana and for Africa as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of great promise. Only this time, we've learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa's future. Instead, it will be you -- the men and women in Ghana's parliament -- (applause) -- the people you represent. It will be the young people brimming with talent and energy and hope who can claim the future that so many in previous generations never realized.

Now, to realize that promise, we must first recognize the fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: Development depends on good governance. (Applause.) That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That's the change that can unlock Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.

As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I've pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa's interests and America's interests. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of perpetual aid that helps people scrape by -- it's whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change. (Applause.)

This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I'll focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy, opportunity, health, and the peaceful resolution of conflict.

First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments. (Applause.)

As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: Governments that respect the will of their own people, that govern by consent and not coercion, are more prosperous, they are more stable, and more successful than governments that do not.

This is about more than just holding elections. It's also about what happens between elections. (Applause.) Repression can take many forms, and too many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves -- (applause) -- or if police -- if police can be bought off by drug traffickers. (Applause.) No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top -- (applause) -- or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. (Applause.) That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time for that style of governance to end. (Applause.)

In the 21st century, capable, reliable, and transparent institutions are the key to success -- strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent judges -- (applause); an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a civil society. (Applause.) Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in people's everyday lives.

Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. (Applause.) We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously -- the fact that President Mills' opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana -- (applause); victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. (Applause.) We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process.

Across Africa, we've seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the country voted in the recent election -- the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person's vote is their sacred right.

Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. (Applause.) Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. (Applause.)

Now, America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation. The essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. But what America will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and responsible institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance -- on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard -- (applause); on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting and automating services -- (applause) -- strengthening hotlines, protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.

And we provide this support. I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. (Applause.) We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly what America will do.

Now, this leads directly to our second area of partnership: supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.

With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base of prosperity. Witness the extraordinary success of Africans in my country, America. They're doing very well. So they've got the talent, they've got the entrepreneurial spirit. The question is, how do we make sure that they're succeeding here in their home countries? The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities -- or a single export -- has a tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.

So in Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been very responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and in their infrastructure -- (applause); when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.

As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we want to put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. (Applause.) That's why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers -- not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it's no longer needed. I want to see Ghanaians not only self-sufficient in food, I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money. You can do that. (Applause.)

Now, America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. That will be a commitment of my administration. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; financial services that reach not just the cities but also the poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interests -- for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, guess what? New markets will open up for our own goods. So it's good for both.

One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and more conflict. All of us -- particularly the developed world -- have a responsibility to slow these trends -- through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.

Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and help countries increase access to power while skipping -- leapfrogging the dirtier phase of development. Think about it: Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and biofuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coasts to South Africa's crops -- Africa's boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.

These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They're about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to market; an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It's about the dignity of work; it's about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.

Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it's also critical to the third area I want to talk about: strengthening public health.

In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. I just saw a wonderful clinic and hospital that is focused particularly on maternal health. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn't kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.

Yet because of incentives -- often provided by donor nations -- many African doctors and nurses go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. And this creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.

So across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care -- for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.

America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy, because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience but also by our common interest, because when a child dies of a preventable disease in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.

And that's why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges -- $63 billion. (Applause.) Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and we will work to eradicate polio. (Applause.) We will fight -- we will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won't confront illnesses in isolation -- we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children. (Applause.)

Now, as we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings -- and so the final area that I will address is conflict.

Let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at perpetual war. But if we are honest, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.

These conflicts are a millstone around Africa's neck. Now, we all have many identities -- of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. (Applause.) Africa's diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God's children. We all share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families and our communities and our faith. That is our common humanity.

That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justified -- never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. (Applause.) It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systemic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in the Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. And all of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.

Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, in Ghana we are seeing you help point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon -- (applause) -- and your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. (Applause.) We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, to keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational forces to bear when needed.

America has a responsibility to work with you as a partner to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there's a genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems -- they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response.

And that's why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy and technical assistance and logistical support, and we will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: Our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa, and the world. (Applause.)

In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. And that must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don't, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.

As I said earlier, Africa's future is up to Africans.

The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. And in my country, African Americans -- including so many recent immigrants -- have thrived in every sector of society. We've done so despite a difficult past, and we've drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos, Kigali, Kinshasa, Harare, and right here in Accra. (Applause.)

You know, 52 years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice."

Now that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. (Applause.) And I am particularly speaking to the young people all across Africa and right here in Ghana. In places like Ghana, young people make up over half of the population.

And here is what you must know: The world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, and end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can -- (applause) -- because in this moment, history is on the move.

But these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your future. And it won't be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you every step of the way -- as a partner, as a friend. (Applause.) Opportunity won't come from any other place, though. It must come from the decisions that all of you make, the things that you do, the hope that you hold in your heart.

Ghana, freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom's foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say this was the time when the promise was realized; this was the moment when prosperity was forged, when pain was overcome, and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Yes we can. Thank you very much. God bless you. Thank you. (Applause.)

END 1:10 P.M. GMT

COURTESY: ORAYE ST. FRANKLYN

(ALL EMPHASY (BOLDS & UNDERLINES) MINE)

SOURCE: THE WHITE HOUSE